This time I will try to address the very important and at the same time "mukhanat" topic - the possible actions of the opposition.
The modernization of this issue is obvious before the start of the work of the National Assembly of the new convocation.
The topic is mukhanat for a number of reasons. First of all, even from the prison walls, the discussions of the public domain on this issue, in particular, in the light of "to take or not to take a mandate". Another reason is the required self-criticism that is expected especially from the parliamentary opposition. The fact that there are not a few people in the opposition who do not like to read, listen to and discuss other opinions gives additional weight to the problem.
With all this, as a former political prisoner, as the vice-president of a force positioned and fighting in the opposition trenches since 2018, as a concerned Armenian and a person who even voted for the opposition in detention, I have not only the right, but also the obligation to do so.
Therefore, let me make a few observations, both general and specific.
1. Constructive antagonism.
The political struggle in Armenia has been going on in the style of radical antagonism in recent years, and this is Pashinyan's conscious choice (I covered the topic in one of the previous articles). Radical antagonism, while exhausting all parties and actually eroding the state, gives authorities a temporary and tactical advantage through unfettered and arbitrary appropriation of state resources.
When antagonism is inevitable due to the choice of regime, then one should try to move it to a less destructive, substantive field. Don't get confused suddenly. The word constructive here does not refer to the position towards the regime, but to the existing problems. In short, the opposition should have a clear, comprehensible alternative based on national interest and professional knowledge on any important issue.
2.Alternative government.
A substantive alternative can be generated by an alternative team of managers and professionals. Therefore, I don't call this tool known in political science "shadow" on purpose, especially since the activity of that structure should be maximally public and visible. I understand all the difficulties involved in implementing this proposal. But under two conditions it is possible to make it a stable, effective and institutional means of political struggle. Those two conditions are zero ambition and 100% consistency.
3.Target portfolios.
Taking the mandates and announcing that all the mechanisms and levers of the National Assembly will be used for the continuation of the struggle, one should approach the distribution of positions of the National Assembly commissions, which is regulated by Dont's formula, in a calculated manner. Let me say at once that in the previous National Assembly, in my opinion, this choice was not made correctly (Eurasian and economic commissions did not have a great political resource and resonance). I suggest to take one of the state-legal, financial-budgetary or external relations as the first choice (according to everything, external relations can reach the opposition).
In the second choice, give preference to either a large committee with education, culture and science, or another area of the social block. The European Integration Commission also becomes a target, taking into account the "Euro-games" of the authorities, as well as the Human Rights Commission, considering the systemic crisis in that area. In short, commissions should be chosen whose activities, mandate, areas can be maximally capitalized inside and outside.
4. New media strategy
It is obvious that the authorities have an advantage in the field of propaganda, both in classical and modern fields.
Accepting a number of objective circumstances (H1, state resources, pressures on the opposition press, etc.), let's admit that both substantive, structural, and methodical changes are needed in this field. It is undeniable that without a competent, revised and multi-layered new media-strategy, the probability of success of the struggle is greatly reduced.
5. "Artsakh» parliamentary initiative
In the current situation, including the subject of Artsakh in the institutions of the new National Assembly will require non-standard solutions. When there will be no Armenia-Artsakh inter-parliamentary format, it is possible to try to create a permanent committee on the Artsakh issue again, as in 2021, although it is obvious that the CP will vote against it. Therefore, as Plan B, it is possible to announce the initiation of the "Artsakh" parliamentary initiative/club/circle, around which to consolidate and work with relevant figures and structures.
6. Stay in the throat
I have no doubt that from the very first days the ruling majority will try to attack, spoil and swallow the opposition in the Parliament. It is very important to resist - dignified and united. Even in the physical sense, the ratio of 64:41 provides a field of adequate opportunities for protection, if the opposition remains firm and is guided by the principle of "one for one, and one for one".
ARMENIAAshotyan:
Vice President of RPA
"Vardashen» CCA
27.07.2026
